联合国第七任秘书长科菲·安南 | 经济学人中东和非洲

一天一篇经济学人 2022-05-14 16:14

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The inveterate diplomat

恪守不渝的外交官

英文部分选自经济学人20180825期财经版块

The inveterate diplomat

恪守不渝的外交官

 

Kofi Annan helped define the UN, in success and failure

无论成败,科菲·安南定义了联合国

 

But his vision depended on the support of big powers, which frustrated him

然而愿景的实现离不开大国势力的支持,这令他头疼不已

 

THE secretary-general of the United Nations is sometimes described as a “secular pope”. The position is imbued with moral authority; the holder watches over an enormous flock; but he has no instruments of hard power. The title seemed to fit Kofi Annan, the seventh secretary-general, more than most. Soft-spoken and calm, Mr Annan had the demeanour of a monk. And with popish assuredness he set about trying to establish the UN as the world’s moral arbiter. But he was often frustrated by the countries on the Security Council, which wield the real power.

 

联合国秘书长有时被人们称为世俗教皇。这个职位充满了道德权威性;在位者管束着大量的人口,但手上却没有硬实力。这个称谓对于第七任秘书长科菲·安南(Kofi Annan)似乎最适合不过了。他说话温和,沉着冷静,言行举止像位僧人。他带着教皇般的信心,试图把联合国打造成世界的道德标杆。但他常常受挫,安理会的各个国家手里才掌握着实权。

 

Mr Annan died on August 18th, aged 80. Many will remember him for drawing attention to the plight of the poor, the sick and the victims of war. He took over the UN in 1997, becoming the first sub-Saharan African to lead the organisation, and served two five-year terms. With his neatly trimmed goatee and moustache, and well-tailored suits, he was charming and eloquent. Many remarked on how unflustered he always appeared, despite serving during a tumultuous decade that saw al-Qaeda attack America, and America attack Iraq. He was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2001 (an award he shared with the organisation) for his work to revitalise the UN’s institutions and renew its sense of purpose. For all his efforts, though, these days the UN feels all but marginalised in world affairs.

 

2018818日,安南去世,享年80岁。他让大众关注到那些陷入绝境的穷人、病人以及战争的受害者,许多人为此缅怀他。1997年,安南就任联合国秘书长,成为联合国首位来自撒哈拉以南非洲国家的领导人,并且连任了两个五年任期。他的山羊胡和小胡须常常修得整整齐齐的,配上精致的西服,衬出优雅雄辩的气质。很多人说,他总是显得从容不迫,即使他经历了动荡的十年,见证了基地组织袭击美国,美国进军伊拉克。2001年,他被授予诺贝尔和平奖(与联合国共享殊荣),以表彰他为重新激发联合国机构的活力、重新建立联合国使命感所作的贡献。尽管他付出了这么多努力,但是联合国如今依旧能感知到,在繁杂的全球事务中几乎被边缘化了。

 

Mr Annan was an unlikely choice for secretary-general. Born in Ghana, he rose through the ranks of the UN, whereas past leaders had been prominent national politicians or diplomats. His four-year stint as head of peacekeeping operations was marred by bloody failures. The most shameful episode occurred in 1994 in Rwanda, where a small UN force was stopped by Mr Annan from taking action to prevent a genocide that left 800,000 people dead. Blame should be shared, said Mr Annan later. The bloodshed would have been difficult to stop and the world was reluctant to intervene. “All of us must bitterly regret that we did not do more to prevent it,” he said.

 

安南本不太可能成为联合国秘书长。出生于加纳的他突破了层层等级,跻身联合国,而过去担任这个职位的都是著名政治家或者外交官出身。担任维和行动负责人的四年间,他遭遇了各种血淋淋的失败。其中最羞于启齿的是1994的卢旺达大屠杀。在这次事件中,一支小型联合国部队的制止行动被他叫停,所以未能阻止种族大屠杀,有80万人丧生。事后,安南表示大家都有责任。流血事件本就很难阻止,而各国又不愿意出面介入。我们所有人都应该深刻反思,我们本可以采取更多措施来阻止屠杀发生,他说。

 

UN peacekeepers were again criticised during the wars of the former Yugoslavia. When Bosnian Serb forces surrounded the UN-protected “safe haven” of Srebrenica in 1995, peacekeepers from the Netherlands handed it over without a fight, leading to a massacre of civilians. European powers opposed backing the troops on the ground with air strikes. In the end, Mr Annan sidestepped his boss, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and approved a NATO bombing campaign against the Serbs. The forceful action endeared him to America, which was looking to replace Boutros-Ghali.

 

联合国维和部队在南斯拉夫内战时期再度受到抨击。1995年,波斯尼亚塞族军队包围了联合国划定的安全区斯雷布雷尼察,荷兰维和部队不战而降,导致无数平民遭到屠杀。欧洲大国反对用空袭支持地面作战部队。最后,安南绕开他当时的上司布特罗斯·布特罗斯-加利(Boutros Boutros-Ghal),批准了北约对塞尔维亚人的轰炸行动。安南的强力决定赢得了美国的青睐,美国当时正伺机找人取代布特罗斯-加利。

 

But America would later challenge Mr Annan’s view of the UN as “the sole source of legitimacy” for foreign interventions. When NATO launched a bombing campaign in defence of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo in 1999, Mr Annan said it was “tragic that diplomacy has failed”, while admitting “there are times when the use of force may be legitimate in the pursuit of peace.”

 

但后来美国拒绝接受安南把联合国作为外部力量干预的唯一合法来源的观念。1999 年,北约为保卫科索沃的阿尔巴尼亚族人发动了一场轰炸行动,安南称其为一场失败的外交悲剧,但同时认可在追求和平的过程中,有时使用武力也是合法的

 

A more serious test came in 2003. As America confronted Iraq over its alleged possession of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), Mr Annan pressed Iraq’s dictator, Saddam Hussein, to give UN weapons inspectors access to his facilities and urged America to give them time. Any plans for military action must go before the Security Council, said Mr Annan (who knew that the council would vote against them). When America invaded without UN approval, Mr Annan said the action was illegal, leading to a torrent of criticism from Republicans, who noted that the firm employing his son had benefited from UN contracts in Iraq before the war.

 

2003年,安南迎来了一场更加严峻的考验。因伊拉克涉嫌持有大规模杀伤性武器,美国与之对峙,安南向伊拉克独裁者萨达姆·侯赛因(Saddam Hussein)施压,命其授权联合国武器核查员开展检查,并敦促美国给他们时间。安南称,任何军事行动计划都必须先提交安理会(他知道安理会会投反对票)。当美国未经联合国批准入侵伊拉克时,安南谴责该行动是不合法的。这引发了共和党人的大肆批判,还指控安南儿子所在的公司在战前从联合国与伊拉克签署的合同中受益。

 

“The attacks [on Mr Annan] reflected the US at its worst, Kofi at his bravest, and the UN at its most vulnerable, trying to maintain international law against a lawless White House,” wrote Jeffrey Sachs, a former economic adviser to Mr Annan. No WMDs were ever found in Iraq. The war, though, also reflected the impotence of the UN. It was helpless in the face of Saddam’s brutality and America’s aggression.

 

(对安南的)攻击反映出美国最恶劣的一面,也体现出安南最勇敢的一面和联合国最脆弱的一面,联合国努力维系国际法来对抗无法无天的美国。安南的前任经济顾问杰弗里·萨克斯(Jeffrey Sachs)写道。在伊拉克从来没有发现过大规模杀伤性武器,美伊战争的爆发也反映了联合国的无能。面对萨达姆的野蛮和美国的挑衅,联合国无能为力。

 

Defenders of Mr Annan would often note that the big powers criticised the UN for inaction, then stopped it from acting, depending on their national interest. Little has changed. Mr Annan did not have troops under his command. He relied on America for much of the UN’s budget.

 

拥护安南的人常常会注意到,大国批评联合国不作为,接着却又基于本国利益,阻止联合国作为。如此周而复始。安南并不统率军队,靠美国来维持联合国的大部分开支。

 

Mr Annan’s greatest achievement, he said, was getting all UN member states to agree on the Millennium Development Goals, a set of global targets for things such as reducing poverty and child mortality. Up until his death he continued to champion the cause of the downtrodden and seek peace in places such as Libya, Myanmar and Syria. He was a force for good, said António Guterres, the current secretary-general. But, his critics noted, not without flaws. “In many ways,” said Mr Guterres, “Kofi Annan was the UN.”

 

安南最大的成就,是让所有联合国成员国就千年发展目标(MDGs)达成一致。MDGs是一系列旨在减少贫困、降低儿童死亡率等的全球目标。直到去世前,他还一直在为受压迫者的事业而斗争,寻求利比亚、缅甸和叙利亚等地的和平。现任秘书长安东尼奥·古特雷斯(António Guterres)说,安南先生的精神永存。但批评安南的人认为他并非没有缺陷。古特雷斯说,从很多方面来说,科菲·安南就是联合国。

 

Correction (September 6th 2018): The original version of this article said that Mr Annan wore a goatee. An alert reader has pointed out that he sported a Van Dyke, which is a goatee plus moustache. Sorry to split hairs.


201896日更正:本文的原始版本写的是安南先生留着山羊胡(goatee)。经某仔细的读者指出,他留的是范戴克(Van Dyke),即上唇八字胡加下巴山羊胡。如此吹求疵,实在抱歉。

 

翻译组:

Lee,爱骑行的妇女之友+Timberland

Cathy,女,春都MTIer,专业翻译爱好者

CC,翻硕在读,笔译的践行者,口译的躁动者


校对组:

Luc,男,在北京,喜欢睡觉
Jemma,一手抓吃饭,一手抓学习

Claire,进进退退,摇摇摆摆,探索世界ing


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观点|评论|思考

本期感想

Alison,女,翻译路上的小蜗牛

相信大部分90后对于联合国的认识都是从安南这个名字开始的,毕竟他曾是那个年代《新闻联播》里出现频率最高的国际人物。作为在中国人的集体记忆中存在感最高的联合国秘书长,安南有许多关键词:首位黑人秘书长、诺贝尔和平奖、极强的语言天赋等等。借着写感想的机会,我读了他的回忆录,发现了一个更加立体和饱满的安南。

他是一位纯粹的国际公民。1962年,安南完成学业进入联合国工作,一直到1997年被选为第七任秘书长,他始终在联合国体系中工作,因此他是第一位身为联合国职员而被推举当选的秘书长,这也就意味着他比其他人更加了解这个庞大的国际组织,按照他自己的话,我对手中权力受到的诸种限制有着非常深刻的了解。但是正是由于这样特殊且纯粹的职业经历,他真正践行了国际公务员的使命和责任,那就是忠于联合国宪章宗旨,保护世界人民而非单个国家的利益。

他是一位忙碌的和平使者。在任职的十年里,安南一直致力于推动联合国的改革进程,希望挽救这个庞大组织逐渐下降的声誉,带领它更接近各国人民,而这也正是当初成立联合国的初衷。我们常说,改革要有刀刃向内的勇气和魄力。安南做到了,1998年,他启动改革联合国维和机制的进程,从调查当时最近的污点历史开始,分析维和部队自始至终的弱点,最后通过改进维和工具,恢复联合国维和力量的元气。

他是一位乐观主义者。在回忆录中,他写道,在联合国内部,我的头衔通常被缩写为SGSecretary-General)。我偶尔会开玩笑说这个SG的意思是替罪羊(scapegoat我认为乐观的人总会对自己的目标有更加坚定的信念。在联合国这样一个没有实际政治权力的舞台上,他不断向各国发出呼声,要将放在发展的中心。

今天的世界依旧充满苦难。有人因战乱流离失所,有人因贫穷远离家乡。但是安南留下来的不止对苦难的悲悯之心,更有对希望的坚定执着。

 

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